Dr. Guy Wilson-Roberts
A recent Political Studies Ph.D. from the University of Auckland,
Dr. Wilson-Roberts was last year appointed to the position of Deputy
Director of the Center for Strategic Studies.* As one of the country's
few academics specializing in arms control issues, Dr. Wilson-Roberts
works for what is essentially New Zealand's only security-focused think
tank. The CSS also coordinates New Zealand's representation on the
Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia- Pacific (CSCAP). The
Center is directly involved in official and public debate on a wide
range of international relations and security topics. It is also a
frequent contributor to submissions on related policy, and a major
vehicle for programming in international relations and security
subjects. Dr. Wilson- Roberts plays a very active role in the Center's
activities, organizing seminars for security audiences, editing the
Center's publications and, in the absence of the Center's Director,
frequently commenting in the media on current security issues.
As one of New Zealand's few academics specializing in arms control
issues, Dr. Wilson-Roberts works for what is essentially New Zealand's
only security-focused think tank.

Dr. Guy Wilson-Roberts, of New Zealand's Centre for Strategic Studies,
appeared at PNNL's Richland campus on May 24 to present his views on New
Zealand's contributions to global nuclear disarmament. His presentation,
titled, "Multilateralization: The Phased Approach," portrayed
New Zealand as a strongly anti-nuclear state which has identified an
opportunity to enhance its position within the global community by taking
on the role of maverick facilitator in world arms control negotiations.
Dr. Wilson-Roberts traced New Zealand's anti-nuclear roots to the
1970s, when nuclear power and energy issues surfaced to the forefront of
world debate. Of particular significance in forming New Zealand public
opinion on the nuclear debate were France's shift of its nuclear weapons
testing from the Atlantic to the South Pacific off the shores of French
Polynesia, considered by New Zealanders to be their "own back
yard" and the United State's deployment of nuclear vessels,
including ships and submarines either armed with nuclear weapons, or
powered with nuclear energy, to the South Pacific with stop-overs in New
Zealand ports. The strong "neocolonialist sentiments" raised by
the actions of the French, coupled with anger over the United States'
policy of withholding information as to which of its vessels were
nuclear, quickly boosted the issue to the top of New Zealand's political
agenda, manifesting in strong official support for the public's anti-
nuclear views, which extended to both nuclear arms and power. The result
was New Zealand's adaptation of a nuclear free-status and its refusal to
host nuclear vessels in its ports. The issue was again spotlighted in
1996 when, after years of abstaining from nuclear weapons testing, France
resumed testing in the South Pacific, reinforcing New Zealand's
anti-nuclear position.
Since the 1970's, New Zealand has been an active supporter of nuclear
disarmament, with a preference for multilateral agreements. Nevertheless,
New Zealand has three major criticisms of the process:
1) It believes that nuclear states are not committed enough to the
disarmament process.
2) It finds the nuclear disarmament process to be too slow.
3) It considers the results of the disarmament process to be
insufficient.
In spite of its misgivings, however, New Zealand supports existing
nuclear disarmament efforts because it believes that the nuclear threat
is a global one and that multilateral efforts to remove the threat lend
increased legitimacy to the process. Also, as a small nation with few
bargaining chips, New Zealand believes that it is best empowered to
promote its anti-nuclear agenda through multilateral efforts. Lastly, New
Zealand considers multilateral nuclear arms control agreements to be the
most effective manner of gaining universal support for nuclear
disarmament.
In regards to diplomatic opportunity, New Zealand has long recognized
itself to be a nation of limited power whose security and influence is
derived through its participation in various alliances. Thus, the most
effective way for it to protect and promote its interests is recognized
to be through multilateral efforts. Its strong interest in nuclear
disarmament is seen as best served through utilizing the country's proven
diplomatic skills to identify blocks in the negotiation process and to
help parties construct treaty language which is satisfactory to all, thus
eliminating negotiation bottlenecks and moving the process forward.
Although New Zealand must often compromise its own anti-nuclear
convictions in favor of steps which are more incremental and less direct
than it would like, the public's gauging of the issue focuses primarily
on the nation's adherence to its anti-nuclear stance, thus providing a
good amount of flexibility to representatives who find certain
negotiation sacrifices to be worthwhile as long as overall negotiations
can be moved forward to next level of disarmament. Furthermore, the
ability to serve as a "maverick" facilitator is viewed as an
opportunity for the nation to carve an "identity niche" for
itself, creating a clearer role for itself within the community of
nations.
Thus, New Zealand hopes to continue its role of "building bridges
between states" in order to move the nuclear disarmament process
forward, simultaneously nearing its objectives of attaining a nuclear
free world, and increasing its international recognition. It is believed
that this will enable the country to push the edges of its alliance
allotted "bounded independence," and more freely create and
voice its own foreign policy decisions, and enjoy greater acceptance as a
world player.